JORGE ALIAGA CACHO: Politics, Literature, Ecology, Socialism, Política, Literatura, Ecología, Socialismo Политика, Литература, экология, социализм Politiek, literatuur, Ecologie, Socialisme Politiek, literatuur, Ecologie, Socialisme.
31 de diciembre de 2017
Periodismo peruano: Sutpecos
Jorge Aliaga Cacho
Secretario General
del Sindicato Unitario de Trabajadores del Periodismo y la Comunicación Social del Perú. Afiliado a la CGTP y a la FELAP.
Saludo de Año Nuevo - 2018.
30 de diciembre de 2017
La Revolución Rusa
Causas y antecedente con imágenes reales.
Es un documental que se aproxima a lo que fue la Revolución Rusa. Contiene entrevistas a algunos personajes que fueron parte de esta historia. Al margen de estar de acuerdo o no en todos sus argumentos, juzgo que es un material digno de verse y analizar. JAC.
Presos de Lurigancho dedican canción a los presidentes corruptos
Feliz Año 2018.
No se trata de si todos van a la cárcel sino cuando...
El portal IDL Reporteros publicó un audio en el que se escucha parte de las declaraciones de Marcelo Odebrecht ante los fiscales peruanos y brasileños en Curitiba (Brasil). En la grabación, el expresidente ejecutivo de Odebrecht asegura que la empresa brasileña apoyó a Alejandro Toledo, Alan García, Ollanta Humala, Keiko Fujimori y también involucra al presidente de la República Pedro Pablo Kuczynski. “Con certeza, apoyamos a todos. A Toledo, Alan García, Humala y a Keiko”, dice Marcelo Odebrecht en el audio.Asimismo, sobre Alan García, Odebrecht señala que el exmandatario “siempre decía que Barata también lo apoyaba (…). Daba a entender que lo estábamos apoyando, y yo entiendo que ese apoyo se volvía, con seguridad, en un apoyo a la campaña”. Acerca de Keiko Fujimori, reveló: “Yo lo que sé es que en ese contexto le dije (a Barata) que apoye más a Keiko para hacer el mismo proceso que en Venezuela”. Además, en cuanto al presidente Kuczynski, Odebrecht señaló: “Fui allá y asistí a unas dos conferencias de PPK que hizo para dirigentes de Odebrecht (…) Yo escuché sus charlas y escuché que había dado esa consultoría económica”.
Fuente:https://peru.com/actualidad/politicas/odebrecht-apoyamos-todos-toledo-garcia-humala-y-keiko-noticia-548439?ref=interna_home&ft=modulo_mas_en_actualidad_politicas
29 de diciembre de 2017
Jananti dice: ¡No al indulto de Fujimori!
El pueblo peruano protesta en las calles por el indulto otorgado al reo Fujimori.
PPK también debería ir a la cárcel.¡Basta de Corrupción!
28 de diciembre de 2017
27 de diciembre de 2017
NOTA DE PRENSA
Todos a la calle, todos a marchar por la democracia y nuestros derechos...JAC
Todos marcharán el 28 de diciembre, y el 11 de enero será Jornada Nacional de Lucha de la
CGTP Y ORGANIZACIONES POLÍTICAS Y SOCIALES
SE UNEN CONTRA LA CORRUPCION, EL INDULTO Y LA IMPUNIDAD
Enviarán carta a Papa Francisco haciendo conocer crítica situación nacional.
Hoy, 27/12/17, convocados por la Confederación General de Trabajadores del Perú (CGTP) se reunieron diversas organizaciones políticas y sociales que, entre otros aspectos, acordaron forjar la más amplia unidad para enfrentar la grave situación creada por la impunidad, corrupción, indulto y gracia presidencial del gobierno de Pedro Pablo Kuczynski, quien ha negociado con el fujimorismo, de manera infame la no vacancia por incapacidad moral a cambio del indulto al dictador Alberto Fujimori condenado a 25 años de cárcel.
Asimismo, decidieron marchar juntos con todas las organizaciones, sin exclusión alguna, el jueves 28 de diciembre previa concentración en Plaza 2 de Mayo a horas 5:00 p.m. y realizar una Jornada Nacional de Lucha para el 11 de enero 2018 exigiendo que se vayan todos los corruptos y explotadores, una nueva Constitución Política y nuevas elecciones generales y que el dictador Fujimori vuelva a su celda a cumplir su sentencia correspondiente.
Se constituirá un Comando Unitario de Lucha el mismo que emitirá un pronunciamiento al pueblo peruano y redactará una Carta al Papa Francisco para que conozca la crítica realidad nacional y no avale con su presencia a los responsables de la grave crisis que por culpa de los gobernantes, viene avergonzando al país ante la comunidad internacional.
El Comando Unitario de Lucha promoverá la articulación de las organizaciones populares desde las bases para construir una organización de poder popular frente al poder político corrupto y en crisis de los gobernantes.
Por las organizaciones sindicales destacaron las delegaciones sindicales del SUTEP, FENAOMP, FTCCP, SUT Telefónicos, Confederación Campesina del Perú, CUT Perú, Federación de Trabajadores Textiles, FENTAP, FENTENAPU, FENUTSSA, FETRIMAP, ST Celima; los organizaciones políticas Frente Amplio, Perú Libre, Nuevo Perú, Juntos por el Perú, Mas democracia, Ciudadanos por el cambio, Partido Humanista, Partido Comunista Peruano, Partido Comunista del Peru – PR, Democracia Directa, M19J así como las organizaciones sociales Frente Anticorrupción, Asociación de Mineros Artesanales, Organizaciones territoriales de Lima denominadas Zonas y colectivos estudiantiles y juveniles, entre otros.
La CGTP recibió la confianza de las organizaciones participantes para continuar en la convocatoria a próximas reuniones hasta la formalización del mando unitario de lucha.
Lima, 27 de diciembre 2017.
DPTO. DE PRENSA Y COMUNICACIONES CGTP
Mayor información:
Gerónimo López Sevillano, Teléfono: 01-4242357, Celular: 944491406
Manuel Coronado Lino, Teléfono 014242357, Celular: 943678051
Indulto: periodistas renuncian
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| Josefina Towsend |
José Carlos Yrigoyen, deja la conducción del programa “Entre libros”. "Esta decisión, que he meditado largamente, está motivada por mi solidaridad con un proyecto que Hugo Coya comenzó en el canal del Estado y en el que tuvo a bien incluirme. Al dejar Hugo de ser parte de la referida institución, mi presencia en el programa no es justa ni coherente con mis ideas ni con mis principios", indicó.
La conductora y periodista Josefina Townsend también presentó su renuncia a TV Perú. En su carta, Townsend se dirige a Hugo Coya e indica que ha decidido tomar esta decisión "por estar en desacuerdo con las recientes acciones del Poder Ejecutivo", en clara referencia al indulto humanitario otorgado a Fujimori.
SUTPECOS RECHAZA INDULTO A FUJIMORI
Pronunciamiento
El Sindicato Unitario de Trabajadores del Periodismo y la Comunicación Social del Perú (SUTPECOS) se dirige a todos sus afiliados y al pueblo peruano para desearles un feliz y venturoso año 2018.
Nuestro sindicato es consciente de la difícil situación social y política por la que atraviesa el país, la misma que ha sido agudizada por el indulto dado al convicto, Alberto Kenya Fujimori Fujimori, ex presidente del Perú.
El otorgamiento de este indulto por parte de Pedro Pablo Kuczynski Godard, hace caso omiso a la condena que el Estado le había impuesto a Fujimori. De esta manera PPK se burla de la justicia y de todos los peruanos a quienes ha mentido sistemáticamente en innumerables oportunidades
Nuestro sindicato llama a todos los periodistas y comunicadores sociales a informar con la verdad desde el pueblo, a combatir la disociación y mordaza impuesta por los grandes medios de comunicación y llama también a señalar las causas reales de este intríngulis social que amenaza gravemente la estabilidad del país.
El SUTPECOS. base de la CGTP y de la FELAP, urge a los trabajadores y pueblo en general a unirse, al llamado de nuestra central sindical clasista, para denunciar la componenda política de estos actores nefastos de la política peruana. El acuerdo sostenido entre estos políticos corruptos es obvio: “Tú me liberas yo te salvo de la vacancia presidencial”. Pero el pueblo y la opinión pública empezó a despertar y debemos estar atentos, organizarnos y dar una respuesta unitaria con todos los sectores democráticos y populares que deseen el restablecimiento de la justicia en nuestra patria que, a nuestro entender, en esta coyuntura, empieza con el retorno del convicto criminal Alberto Fujimori a la cárcel, exigir la renuncia del actual presidente Kuczynski y el llamado a una Asamblea Constituyente que nos otorgue una Carta Magna que sea la base de orden y justicia social en una plena y verdadera democracia.
¡Viva el SUTPECOS!
¡Viva la CGTP!
¡Viva la FELAP!
¡Viva el Perú!
Lima, miércoles 27 de diciembre 2017
JORGE ALIAGA CACHO
Secretario General
DANTE ALFARO FONTAINE
Secretario de Prensa y Comunicaciones
26 de diciembre de 2017
Carta para el Dios de magnitudes
Chía, Navidad de 2017 en víspera de 2018
Señor
Omnipotente, omnipresente, omnisciente…
E.T.M.
Ref. Dios de magnitudes
Como es costumbre te doy mi claro saludo dándote la bienvenida como lo hago todos los días a mi vida. Sé que como todo en el universo solo soy uno en millones que busca tu atención, digo todo en millones porque de un infinito de oportunidades para estar en la vida yo soy la oportunidad concreta, ¿no es así como se nos concibe? Solo el que lo logra llega a la vida. Temporal pero triunfadores pasa como un suspiro y la justificamos en pasos y promedios para entender que solo somos parte de tu magnitud y solo tú sabes el momento en que dejaremos de existir. Para la celebración de tu natalicio quiero reconocer por escrito tu grandeza, te sentimos, pero no te vemos e incompletos te hacemos completo en nuestro pensamiento pues queremos una realidad del hombre mismo quien reflexiona. Darte las gracias por la oportunidad de vivir y comprender que soy un conjunto de células que inconscientemente domino, expongo y recreo todo el tiempo, aunque es incierto el número, sé que mi cuerpo las tiene, sé que todos los días varían -no siendo esto fácil de comprobar me quedo en la generalidad porque comprendo que el existir es de por si un milagro. Agradezco el pensamiento, lenguaje, símbolos y la capacidad de generarlos, plasmarlos para así transmitir, postergar y organizar historia que esperamos sea infinita en cada una de sus formas y estándares, también para que otros sobrevivan a nuestra humilde existencia por siglos y siglos con tu venia. Es maravilloso saber que cada dia descubro más que soy, por tu gracia e increíble conocer, que como humanos nos valoras e hiciste tu hijo humano y encarnado de forma divina, enviado en remedio para que comprendiese mi esencia misma sin retribución ninguna_ aunque lo de la retribución entra dentro de mi magnitud que existe. Por último, te comunico que quiero sigas presente en mi vida y aun después de ella, y solicitó nunca sea apartada de esa presencia que aún no explico, pero de la cual me enorgullezco. Recordándote que soy una en un universo. Me despido y confieso que te quiero.
Ahikza Adriana Teresa Acosta Pinilla.
Post data: No se te olviden mis sueños, anhelos y expectativas- ¡Si!…esos que conoces en el secreto.
BBC reports on pardon to Fujimori
El Director Ejecutivo de Human Right Watch in The Americas lamentó el indulto, dijo que: 'en lugar de reafirmar que en un estado de derecho no cabe un trato especial a nadie, quedará para siempre la idea que su liberación fue una vulgar negociación política a cambio de la permanencia de PPK en el poder'.
Fujimori: Peru president's pardon for ex-leader draws protests
Peruvian President Pedro Pablo Kuczynski has pardoned former leader Alberto Fujimori on health grounds in a move that has prompted angry protests. Fujimori, 79, who is serving 25 years for human rights abuses and corruption, was moved from prison to hospital because of health problems on Saturday. Mr Kuczynski denied pardoning him as part of a deal with his party last week to avoid his own impeachment. Police in the capital Lima clashed with protesters after the news emerged.
Two members of President Kuczynski's party in the Peruvian Congress, Vicente Zeballos and Alberto de Belaunde, resigned in protest at the pardon. Meanwhile, supporters of the man who led Peru from 1990 to 2000 celebrated outside the city hospital where he was being treated. He is admired by some Peruvians for combating Maoist rebels but his critics considered him a corrupt dictator. His son Kenji tweeted video of himself breaking the news of the pardon to his father in his hospital bed and wishing him a Merry Christmas.
On what grounds was he pardoned? A statement from President Kuczynski's office said he had decided to grant a "humanitarian pardon to Mr Alberto Fujimori and seven other people in similar condition", without naming the others. Doctors, the statement added, had "determined that Mr Fujimori suffers from a progressive, degenerative and incurable illness and that prison conditions represent a grave risk to his life". Fujimori was transferred from his cell to a clinic suffering from low blood pressure and an irregular heartbeat, doctors said. Kenji Fujimori said earlier that his father would probably not go home for several days.
Was a deal done? The conservative Popular Force (FP) party, led by the former president's daughter Keiko Fujimori, controls Congress and on Thursday tried to impeach President Kuczynski over a corruption scandal. However, her brother Kenji split the FP vote, allowing the president to stay in power and prompting the accusation that Fujimori's release had been promised in exchange.
"To save his own skin he [President Kuczynski] cut a deal with Fujimori's supporters," said leftist politician Veronika Mendoza, labelling the president's decision as treason. Mr Kuczynski denied the claim. What was Fujimori convicted of? In 2007, he was sentenced to six years in jail for bribery and abuse of power, but two years later was sentenced to another 25 years in prison for human rights abuses committed during his time in office. He was convicted of authorising killings carried out by death squads. Police reportedly fired tear gas at dozens of protesters who turned out on Sunday evening to protest at news of the pardon, waving pictures of victims of the counter-insurgency campaign. "We believe the pardon was carried out in an illegal manner," one unnamed protester told Reuters. "The medical report that supposedly sanctioned this was a fraud. The reality is that this sadly was a political agreement between the Fujimorists and the current government." Jose Miguel Vivanco, executive director of Human Rights Watch in the Americas, tweeted: "I regret Fujimori's humanitarian pardon. "Instead of reaffirming that in a state of law there is no special treatment for anyone, the idea that his liberation was a vulgar political negotiation in exchange for Pedro Pablo Kuczynski maintaining power will remain forever." What do his family say?
Despite their differences, both Keiko and Kenjo welcomed the pardon.
Image copyrightREUTERSImage captionKeiko Fujimori also went to the hospital to visit her father
Image copyrightREUTERSImage captionKeiko Fujimori also went to the hospital to visit her father
"On behalf of the Fujimori family, I would like to thank President Pedro Pablo Kuczynski for the noble and magnanimous gesture of giving my father Alberto the humanitarian pardon," Kenjo tweeted. "Today is a great day for my family and for Fujimorism," his sister said. "Finally my father is free. This will be a Christmas of hope and joy!"
Los Panchos
Publicado por Gabriel Astengo.
El Trio Los Panchos se formó en la ciudad de Nueva York en 1944, donde los mexicanos Alfredo Bojalil Gil, mejor conocido como El Güero, y José de Jesús Navarro Moreno, mejor conocido como Chucho Navarro, junto al puertorriqueño Herminio Avilés Negrón, de nombre artístico Hernando Avilés, decidieron unir sus talentos e innovar el género de los tríos cantando a tres voces y tres guitarras. Tiempo más tarde, Avilés y Navarro tocaban la guitarra y Gil el requinto de su propia creación. Se iniciaron en el ambiente artístico el 14 de mayo de 1944 al presentarse en el Hispanic Theatre de Nueva York interpretando música ranchera mexicana con gran éxito. Varios años despues, Avilés abandonó el grupo e inmediatamente Gil y Navarro convocaron a una audición a varios aspirantes, la cual ganó el músico y cantante Raúl Shaw Moreno quien apenas se iniciaba en el ambiente artístico. Tras esa crisis Los Panchos continuaron con su carrera marcada por sus siete primeras voces, así mismo intervinieron aproximadamente en 50 películas, a lo largo de su trayectoria.
trío entre 1951 y 1952. Nació el 30 de noviembre de 1923 en Oruro, Bolivia. Luego de su alejamiento, integró el trio Los Peregrinos y luego Los Tres Caballeros junto a Roberto Cantoral y Benjamín ''Cham
Raúl Shaw Moreno: seudónimo de Raúl Alberto Shaw Boutier, primera voz del ín'' Correa. Posteriormente, mantuvo una carrera como compositor, en su calidad de solista y realizó intervenciones fonográficas en México y Venezuela. Durante todo el tiempo de la existencia del legendario y famosisimo trio, el lugar de "primera voz" fue ocupado por excelentes artistas como fueron, el boliviano Raul Shaw Moreno, los puertorriqueños Julio Rodríguez, Johnny Albino y los mexicanos, Ovidio Hernandez, Enrique Cáceres y Rafael Basurto Lara. Tras el alejamiento de su primera voz prima, Hernando Avilés, seis vocalistas más se unieron al trío en diferentes épocas como primeras voces. Aqui estan sus datos y trayectorias:
Johnny Albino: su verdadero nombre era Juan Antonio Albino, y nació el 19 de diciembre de 1919 en Yauco, Puerto Rico. Con su trío San Juan fue rival de Los Panchos pero en 1958 formó parte del trío como primera voz, hasta 1966. Compuso temas como Carilú, que le escribiera a la hija de Chucho Navarro, Flor sin color y La distancia nos separa. Su alejamiento se produjo en medio de graves desavenencias caracterizadas por demandas legales de ambas partes. Julito Rodríguez: fue la primera voz del trío desde 1952 hasta 1956. Nació en 1927 en Santurce, Puerto Rico. Durante su estancia con Los Panchos, Rodríguez descubrió el talento de Javier Solís, recomendándolo a la filial mexicana del sello Columbia Records. Compositor de éxitos como Mar y cielo, se retiró del grupo en 1956 formando más tarde el Trío Los Primos junto a Tatín Vale y Rafael Scharron, el cual fue rebautizado después como «Julito Rodríguez y su Trío». Posteriormente, formaría el trío Los Tres Grandes de 1975 a 1983. Vive en Puerto Rico junto a su esposa dedicado a la música.
Rafael Basurto Lara: nació en Tlapa, Estado de Guerrero, México el 15 de abril de 1941. Ingresó al trío en noviembre de 1976 ya que se esperaba el fallecimiento de su antecesor, Ovidio Hernández, manteniéndose como la primera voz hasta la actualidad. Durante esta etapa, se produjo el retiro de Alfredo Gil en 1981 y el fin del ciclo del "Trío Los Panchos", después del cual Rafael Basurto Lara, Chucho Navarro y Gabriel Vargas (quien sustituyo a Gil en la agrupacion) siguieron sólo como "Los Panchos", en respeto a su fundador, Alfredo Gil. Posteriormente con el deceso de Chucho Navarro en 1993 se cerró definitivamente el ciclo del "Trío Los Panchos".Enrique Cáceres: fue primera voz mexicana del trío de 1966 a 1971, nació un 2 de mayo de 1935 en Merida, Yucatan. Cáceres también se destacó ademas como compositor, con temas como Niñería, Adulterio y Amigo cantinero. Es de destacar que cuando Enrique Cáceres fue reemplazado por su sucesor Ovido Hernández, hubo una etapa de transición durante la cual el Trío Los Panchos alternó las dos primeras voces. Luego de su retiro definitivo continuó con su exitosa carrera como solista. Falleció el lunes 22 de agosto de 2011. Ovidio Hernández: fue primera voz del trío de 1971 a 1976. Nació en Poza Rica, Veracruz, México. Fue autor de las canciones Ah, que gente, Escoria, Camina, Perderás, perderás y Por fuera y por dentro. Debido a la meningitis falleció en México D.F. el 27 de septiembre de 1976, siendo el primero de los integrantes que fallece aún perteneciendo al grupo.
25 de diciembre de 2017
Perú: una rata libera a otra rata.
| Lima, Perú |
Obrero, empleado, ama de casa, estudiante, campesino, militar, intelectual, profesional, artista, pequeño empresario; ya llegó la hora de vestir la camiseta de la verdadera selección peruana. La de la gente que piensa, la gente que se da cuenta de los errores cometidos y abraza a sus hermanos para juntos salir adelante. ¡No más impunidad para los corruptos!
¡Luchemos por el Perú!
¡Las ratas, los gusanos y los corruptos van para afuera!
Jorge Aliaga Cacho.
24 de diciembre de 2017
La plegaria de Beatriz Lizárraga
A todos mis amigos de este medio, les deseo una FELIZ NAVIDAD.
Ansío que esta Noche Buena venga con mucha paz y espíritu de hermandad. A propósito les regalo este texto:
Ansío que esta Noche Buena venga con mucha paz y espíritu de hermandad. A propósito les regalo este texto:
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| Beatriz Lizarraga. |
PLEGARIA
Los ojos casi ciegos,
el cuerpo desnudo,
lacerado
en breñales de injusticias.
Ay, la mosca azul
anunciadora de la muerte
y la muerte misma en Cajamarca!
Un mundo que remeda
al oscuro de los siglos antiguos
me derrumba.
En pos del resplandor divino
trepo el Huanacauri.
Si volvieran tus hijos,
este sería el sitio
y la barra dorada se hundiría
otra vez...
Y yo los seguiría
convocando a los míos
y a los otros
para hermanarnos
en tu luz de justicia,
en tu luz de piedad.
Padre sol!
Sobre esta greda santa
moribunda te espero.
Un siglo de ausencia
"Los Panchos"
Un siglo de ausencia
voy sufriendo por ti
Y una amarga impaciencia
me ocasiona vivir
Tan separado de ti
pensar
que no he de verte otra vez,
Fingir
que soy feliz sin tu amor
llorar con mi dolor
La vida inclemente
te separa de mí,
Y un siglo de ausencia
voy sufriendo por ti
En la multitud
busco los ojos
que me hicieron tan feliz
Y no logro hallar
en otros labios
la ilusión que yo perdí
La vida inclemente
te separa de mí,
Y un siglo de ausencia
voy sufriendo por ti
En la multitud
busco los ojos
que me hicieron tan feliz
Y no logro hallar
en otros labios
la ilusión que yo perdí
La vida inclemente
te separa de mí,
Y un siglo de ausencia
voy sufriendo por ti
Y un siglo de ausencia
voy sufriendo por ti.
El Trío Los Panchos se formó en la ciudad de Nueva York en 1944, donde los mexicanos Alfredo Bojalil Gil, mejor conocido como El Güero, y José de Jesús Navarro Moreno, mejor conocido como Chucho Navarro, junto al puertorriqueño Herminio Avilés Negrón, de nombre artístico Hernando Avilés, decidieron unir sus talentos e innovar el género de los tríos cantando a tres voces y tres guitarras. Los Panchos ganaron fama internacional con sus boleros románticos. Vendieron millones de copias de sus discos de 78 RPM y álbumes LP a unos pocos años de su fundación. De hecho destaca su interpretación en boleros como, Bésame Mucho, Si tu me dices Ven, Abandonada, Solamente una vez, Reloj, o Mañana te vas...Es por muchos considerado el más importante trio de boleros de la historia.
Solidaridad con los diplomáticos norcoreanos
Solidaridad con los diplomáticos de Corea del Norte:
primer secretario Pak Myong Chol y tercer secretario Ji Hyok.
Al gobierno peruano no le gusta, 'les es un mal ejemplo', sostener relaciones diplomáticas con países dignos que defienden a su pueblo de las garras de la explotación capitalista, por eso expulsan a dignos representantes diplomáticos de pueblos hermanos. Del mismo modo rechazo la política pro yankee por parte de los gobiernos de Francia y la Gran Bretaña. La respuesta, en el Perú, debe ser: Un solo frente, un solo candidato y Nueva Constitución del Estado. La izquierda sigue postergando esta tarea que es de vital importancia. Sin dinero para campañas, el acuerdo y la acción de concientizar al pueblo deben de empezar HOY. Por lo demás, el congreso está contaminado y por ello, se requiere 100% nuevos congresistas. Los que en el presente congreso hayan demostrado buen trabajo, si los hubieran, podrían ayudar en comisiones de gobierno. El congreso tiene que ser fumigado hasta la raíz. El pueblo peruano, esta vez, no se dejará engañar, y exigirá de la izquierda un solo candidato y la unidad programática.Jorge Aliaga Cacho.
LUNA ROJA
Por Norka Brios Ramos
En noches oscuras...
la luna se tiñe de rojo
en eclipses se van dando
tiempos de tribulación.
Donde despierta el dragón dormido,
Ruge el león incansable.
Demócratas fingidos y
políticos corruptos.
Hay polución en el mundo,donde
despierta la ambición incesante
como moscas asquerosas.
La noche ya es la noche,
ella cerró su resplandor postrero
con el silencio a callar.
de esperas más esperas
que nunca llegaran.
Roncan los cráteres.
Se derrumban las montañas.
Los bosques en llamas.
Las sierras pedruscas.
Los vientos en ciclones.
Todo sobre la partida
y sufrida Tierra.
Dónde el grito es el grito,
en ecos de ecos silenciados
el agua es agua contaminada.
La vida es un caos
y en nuestro acorde
nos guardan grandes enigmas.
la luna se tiñe de rojo
en eclipses se van dando
tiempos de tribulación.
Donde despierta el dragón dormido,
Ruge el león incansable.
Demócratas fingidos y
políticos corruptos.
Hay polución en el mundo,donde
despierta la ambición incesante
como moscas asquerosas.
La noche ya es la noche,
ella cerró su resplandor postrero
con el silencio a callar.
de esperas más esperas
que nunca llegaran.
Roncan los cráteres.
Se derrumban las montañas.
Los bosques en llamas.
Las sierras pedruscas.
Los vientos en ciclones.
Todo sobre la partida
y sufrida Tierra.
Dónde el grito es el grito,
en ecos de ecos silenciados
el agua es agua contaminada.
La vida es un caos
y en nuestro acorde
nos guardan grandes enigmas.
Lima diciembre 2017
23 de diciembre de 2017
Navidad: recordando a Fidel...
"The Guardian" es uno de los periódicos de más influencia en el Reino Unido. Los británicos lo consideran un medio de excelencia. Ese periódico publicó un obituario a Fidel Castro, líder de la revolución cubana, que todos debiéramos leer.
El mismo nos dice que Fidel fue una de las figuras políticas más extraordinarias del siglo XX, quien después de liderar una revolución exitosa en una isla caribeña en 1959, Cuba, se convirtió en un importante protagonista en el escenario mundial.
El autor de la nota Richard Gott, es un periodista e historiador británico de gran renombre. Fue corresponsal para América Latina y editor del periódico británico.
Cuando Fidel todavía vivía muchos agentes del imperio se arañaban la cara para fustigar al líder cubano. Algunos en actos que reflejaban ignorancia sobre el tema celebraron hasta su muerte.
Hoy los miserables callan y buscan hacer lo propio con otros líderes de Nuestra América.
Pero la historia queda y, como diría Fidel, los absuelve. Mientras a Fidel, Chávez, Torrijos, Velasco, etc., los recordamos siempre, los otros yacen olvidados en el tacho de la historia.
Para los estudiosos les recomiendo leer el siguiente obituario que desde una óptica británica nos hace conocer la grandeza de Fidel y la justicia de su causa que es la misma causa de todos los revolucionarios que luchan en nuestro explotado y saqueado continente.
Jorge Aliaga Cacho
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| FacebookTwitterPinterest Castro with Venezuelan president Hugo Chavez. Photograph: REX/Shutterstock |
By Richard Gott
First published on Sat 26 Nov ‘16 12.12 GMT
Fidel Castro, who has died at the age of 90, was one of the more extraordinary political figures of the 20th century. After leading a successful revolution on a Caribbean island in 1959, he became a player on the global stage, dealing on equal terms with successive leaders of the two nuclear superpowers during the cold war. A charismatic figure from the developing world, his influence was felt far beyond the shores of Cuba. Known as Fidel to friends and enemies alike, his life story is inevitably that of his people and their revolution. Even in old age, he still exercised a magnetic attraction wherever he went, his audience as fascinated by the dinosaur from history as they had once been by the revolutionary firebrand of earlier times.
The Russians were beguiled by him (Nikita Khrushchev and Anastas Mikoyan in particular), European intellectuals took him to their hearts (notably Jean-Paul Sartre and Simone de Beauvoir), African revolutionaries welcomed his assistance and advice, and the leaders of Latin American peasant movements were inspired by his revolution. In the 21st century, he acquired fresh relevance as the mentor of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela and Evo Morales in Bolivia, the leaders of two unusual revolutions that threatened the hegemony of the US. Only the US itself, which viewed Castro as public enemy No 1 (until they found an “axis of evil” further afield), and the Chinese in the Mao era, who found his political behaviour essentially irresponsible, refused to fall for his charm. It took until Barack Obama’s presidency for US restrictions to be eased – but by then intestinal illness had compelled Castro’s resignation as president in favour of his brother Raúl, who saw in the historic normalising of relations between the two countries. Nonetheless, Fidel maintained his antagonism until the end, declaring in a letter on his 90th birthday this year that “we don’t need the empire to give us anything”.
FacebookTwitterPinterest The young anti-Batista guerrilla leader Fidel Castro. Photograph: Andrew St. George/AP
Castro was a hero in the mould of Garibaldi, a national leader whose ideals and rhetoric were to change the history of countries far from his own. Latin America, ruled for the most part in the 1950s by oligarchies inherited from the colonial era, of landowners, soldiers and Catholic priests, was suddenly brought into the global limelight, its governments challenged by the revolutionary gauntlet thrown down by the island republic. Whether in favour or against, an entire Latin American generation was influenced by Castro.
Cuba under Fidel was a country where indigenous nationalism was at least as significant as imported socialism, and where the legend of José Martí, the patriot poet and organiser of the 19th-century struggle against Spain, was always more influential than the philosophy of Karl Marx. Castro’s skill, and one key to his political longevity, lay in keeping the twin themes of socialism and nationalism endlessly in play. He gave the Cuban people back their history, the name of their island stamped firmly on the story of the 20th century. This was no mean achievement, though by the early 1990s, when the collapse of the Soviet Union brought the Cuban economy down with a bump, the old rhetoric had begun to wear thin.
Fidel was the son of Lina Ruz, a Cuban woman from Pinar del Río, and Angel Castro, an immigrant from Spanish Galicia who became a successful landowner in central Cuba. Educated by the Jesuits, and subsequently as a lawyer at Havana University, he was clearly marked for politics from early youth. A brilliant student orator and a successful athlete, he was the outstanding figure of his generation of students.
The return to power by coup d’etat in 1952 of the old dictator, Fulgencio Batista, seemed to rule out the traditional road to political power for the young lawyer, and an impatient Castro embraced the cause of insurrection, common in those years in the unstable countries that bordered the Caribbean. On 26 July 1953, he led a group of revolutionaries who sought to overthrow the dictator by seizing the second largest military base in the country, the Moncada barracks in Santiago de Cuba.
The attack was a dismal failure, and many of the erstwhile rebels were captured and killed. Castro himself survived, to make a notable speech from the dock – “history will absolve me” – outlining his political programme. It became the classic text of the 26th of July Movement that he was later to organise, using the failed Moncada attack as a rallying cry to unite the anti-Batista opposition into a single political force.
Granted an amnesty two years later, Castro was exiled to Mexico. With his brother Raúl, he prepared a group of armed fighters to assist the civilian resistance movement. Soon he had met and enrolled in his band an Argentinian doctor, Che Guevara, whose name was to be irrevocably linked to the revolution. Castro’s tiny force sailed from Mexico to Cuba in December 1956 in the Granma, a small and leaky motor vessel. Landing in the east of the island after a rough crossing, the rebel band was attacked and almost annihilated by Batista’s forces. A few members of Castro’s troop survived to struggle up the impenetrable mountains of the Sierra Maestra. There they tended their wounds, regained their strength, made contact with the local peasants, and established links with the opposition in the city of Santiago.
FacebookTwitterPinterest Fidel Castro (L) with Ernesto Che Guevara. Photograph: Roberto Salas/AFP/Getty Images
Throughout 1957 and 1958, Castro’s guerrilla band grew in strength and daring. They had no blueprint. Their first aim had been to survive. Only later did revolutionary theorists develop the notion that the very existence of an armed struggle in rural areas might help to define the course of civilian politics, putting the dictatorship on to the defensive, and forcing squabbling opposition groups to unite behind the guerrilla banner. Yet that is what took place in Cuba. Civilian parties and opposition movements were forced to accept orders from the guerrillas in the hills, and even the conservative and unadventurous Communist party of Cuba eventually came to bow the knee to Castro in the summer of 1958. By December that year, Guevara had captured the central city of Santa Clara, and on New Year’s Eve, Batista fled the country. In January 1959, Castro, aged 30, arrived in triumph in Havana. The Cuban revolution had begun.
His early programme was one of radical reform, comparable to that espoused by populist governments in Latin America over the previous 30 years. The expropriation of large estates, the nationalisation of foreign enterprises and the establishment of schools and clinics throughout the island were the initial demands of his movement.
Like most Latin American leftwingers at that time, Castro was influenced by Marxism – whatever that might mean in the Latin American context, about which Marx himself had little to say. In practice it meant a warm feeling for the (far away) Russian revolution, and a strong dislike of (nearby) Yankee “imperialism”. Radicals were familiar with the historical tendency of the US to interfere in Latin America in general and Cuba in particular – economically all the time and militarily at all too frequent intervals. This leftist inclination did not usually involve much enthusiasm for the local Communist party which, in Cuba as elsewhere in Latin America (except in Chile), had always been small and lacking influence. Castro himself was not a communist, though his brother had strong sympathies, as did Guevara.
Castro’s anti-American rhetoric and nationalisation of US companies soon aroused American anger. The bungled Bay of Pigs invasion, in the early months of John F Kennedy’s presidency, postponed any possible improvement in relations. US dislike of Castro was reinforced by the presence of an immense diaspora of the Cuban middle class, based chiefly in Miami, who had left in a hurry and expected at any moment to return in triumph. It was not to be.
The missile crisis of October 1962 sealed the hostility. Khrushchev’s move into Cuba – introducing nuclear weapons (other than US ones) into an area of the world where the Monroe doctrine was held to prevail – was widely regarded as destabilising, although the Soviet Union itself had US nuclear missiles on its borders, notably in Turkey. Khrushchev was forced to withdraw his missiles after days of global tension, although not before he had received a tacit promise from the Americans that there would be no further attempts to invade Cuba.
Castro’s performance during the crisis was less than heroic. The fate of his revolution was decided elsewhere. The compromise on the missiles reached between Washington and Moscow enabled his regime to survive, but the ignominious manner of its happening was to fuel Castro’s fierce sense of independence. His only success in the affair was his absolute refusal to permit US inspection of the evacuated missile sites.
FacebookTwitterPinterest Fidel Castro with Nikita Khrushchev in Moscow in 1963. Photograph: AP
Whether Castro was pushed into the Soviet camp by US mishandling in the early years, or whether that was where he planned to be all along, is a matter of historical debate. There is evidence on both sides, and Castro allowed different interpretations to flourish. Guevara and Raúl Castro were certainly persuaded of the need to make an alliance with the Cuban communists, the only party that had troubled to enrol the country’s black people, and they had great hopes of economic (and later military) support from the Soviet Union. Yet for the first 10 years of Castro’s regime – until 1968 when he supported the invasion of Czechoslovakia by Leonid Brezhnev – he fought hard to maintain Cuba’s separate identity as a developing country struggling to take its own particular road to socialism. Even when he had taken the Soviet shilling, he tried ceaselessly to build bridges elsewhere – in Latin America (to Peru, Panama and Chile); in Africa (to Algeria, Angola and Ethiopia); and in Asia (to Vietnam – Vietnam Heróico as the Cubans liked to call it – and North Korea).
Although Kennedy had given a tacit promise to Khrushchev that invasion would never be repeated, the Americans continued to permit CIA-sponsored attacks on the island and refused to lift their economic blockade, pressurising the countries of Latin America to join in. Castro was effectively deprived of all contact with the US mainland, and later with most of Latin America. At first it was just fresh vegetables that Cubans could no longer obtain from Miami. Soon they were forced to abandon hope of receiving machinery and technology from the capitalist world. The oil blockade was particularly damaging. While the Soviet Union came to the rescue when oil could no longer be obtained from Venezuela or the Gulf of Mexico, the long journey from the Black Sea was hardly ideal. Their ships could carry no returning trade.
For a Caribbean island, rooted historically and geographically in the sea between the US and Venezuela, it was a cruel blow to lose the taproot of its commerce. Cuba had had previous experience of a monopolistic trade relationship, with Spain, its far-off madre patria, but the Soviet Union was even further away, and had little in common with Cuba except political rhetoric. The close Soviet link was to have a serious disadvantage in that it gave Cuba little opportunity to experiment economically. Guevara had hoped in the early days that the island might escape from the tyranny of sugar production and diversify its economy, but Castro perceived this to be an empty dream. Sugar was the only significant product Cuba could exchange for Soviet oil.
Perhaps Castro should never have made the effort to go it alone. Some thought the price was too high. The US was, and is, immensely powerful – and very close. The Dominican Republic of Juan Bosch was unable to escape US pressure in 1965, nor could Salvador Allende’s Chile in 1973. The baleful experience of Nicaragua, 30 years after the Cuban revolution, showed that the passage of time had not made the task of securing sovereignty any easier for a small Latin American state. Yet Castro’s largely successful attempt to escape from the geographic fatalism that had affected Latin America for so long should not go uncelebrated.
Isolated from Latin America in the 1960s by the US blockade, Castro made efforts to assist revolutionaries who sought to turn the Andes into a new Sierra Maestra. The impact was considerable, yet brought Cuba little political reward. No revolutionary group was able to repeat the example of Cuba in the early years, and even when Guevara himself joined the fray in Bolivia in 1966, his expedition was to end in disaster a year later.
After 10 years in power, safely basking in Soviet approval, Castro’s policy towards Latin America became more circumspect. When Allende, a friendly socialist, won the presidential elections in Chile in 1970, Castro counselled caution. The victorious Sandinistas of Nicaragua received the same message in 1979. Castro knew from experience that building socialism in one small, developing country was not an easy option. Guevara had once called for the creation of “one, two, three, many Vietnams”, but who was going to fund and sustain them? The large Soviet economic support for Cuba was never going to be matched in Chile or Nicaragua.
FacebookTwitterPinterest Fidel Castro greets three African presidents - Sekou Tour,Agostinho Neto and Luis Cabral. Photograph: BBC
Castro’s Cuba was an early member of the Non-Aligned Movement, the first attempt to mobilise the emerging developing countries for a political purpose. Soon, leaders of African revolutionary movements were honoured guests in Havana – notably Ben Bella and Houari Boumédiènne from Algeria, and Agostinho Neto from Angola, in full rebellion against the Portuguese. Guevara, by touring Africa in the early 1960s and then going to fight with guerrillas organised in the eastern Congo by Laurent Kabila, later president of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, also helped to bring Africa into focus in Havana.
There was a further dimension. For Castro, Cuba was not just a Caribbean country with Hispanic connections. He was the first white Cuban leader to recognise the country’s large black, former slave population and, after initial hesitation, to make efforts to bring them into the mainstream of national life. Sergeant Batista, his predecessor, banned from Havana’s top clubs because of his mixed race, had secured considerable support from black people in the Cuban army, and Castro took up their cause. His championing of them came at the same time as the civil rights movement was growing in the US, and this may have contributed to the nervousness of the US government over his regime. On an early visit to the UN in New York, Castro stayed at the Hotel Theresa in Harlem, a symbolic but significant gesture.
Recovering Cuba’s black roots, both in the African slave trade and in the independence struggle of the 19th century, was a natural prelude to taking an interest in an Africa still in the throes of decolonisation. Cuban troops played a historic role in 1975 in rescuing Neto’s embryonic MPLA government in Angola from the South African army. Castro displayed a personal interest in the Angolan expedition, as he did two years later in Ethiopia, when Cuban soldiers were sent to assist the regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam. The Cubans helped the Ethiopians to push back the Somalis from the Ogaden. Castro’s boldness in flinging men and resources into foreign wars when Cuba itself was under permanent threat of attack was typical of his style.
The policies of glasnost and perestroika espoused by Mikhail Gorbachev in the 1980s brought a dramatic unravelling of the Cuban revolution. Castro was always an opportunist communist rather than a true believer such as Erich Honecker, the East German leader, yet the two men shared a distrust of Gorbachev’s reforms. The stability and survival of their states depended on Russian support, although Cuba, the fruit of a popular revolution, had greater staying power than East Germany. Unlike some in the Cuban political elite who appeared willing to embrace changes in the Soviet system, Castro recognised that they would lead to disaster. For Cuba, the writing was on the wall even before the collapse of the Soviet Union after the failed coup against Gorbachev in August 1991. Castro knew that the US had made clear to the Russians, in 1990, that future economic assistance to the Soviet Union would depend on an end to Soviet aid to Cuba.
Castro declared a state of emergency, of the kind that would have been imposed had there been a military invasion. His political genius was for improvisation and compromise, coupled with a verbal felicity that proved capable of persuading people that he was doing one thing when actually doing another. He now projected Cuba as the world’s first truly “green” society, with industry powered by windmills, and the people riding bicycles. It was guerrilla war all over again, with Castro invoking the spirit of the Sierra Maestra.
Then, before any significant change could be made to the Cuban system, the Soviet Union imploded, and with it went the extensive economic network that it had maintained. A form of perestroika had now to be forced on the Cubans whether they wanted it or not, for Castro’s ally had simply melted away. Boris Yeltsin, the new Russian leader, was no friend. He had even visited Jorge Mas Canosa, the principal organiser of the Cuban exiles in Miami, and he soon removed Russian soldiers from the island and abandoned most of the preferential economic agreements that had kept the Cuban economy afloat for so long. Hopes in the US that Cuba would go the way of the countries of eastern Europe were encouraged by legislation in Congress that sought to tighten the economic embargo.
Almost miraculously, Castro survived this period, throwing open the country to foreign tourists and permitting a dual economy in which the US dollar reigned supreme. In January 1998, his efforts to secure fresh international recognition were crowned by a visit from Pope John Paul II, seen by some as the author of the overthrow of communism in eastern Europe. Castro’s communism had always been tempered by respect for the Catholic church, and he had long taken an interest in liberation theology and in the convergence on the ground in Latin America – notably in the period of military dictatorships in the 1970s – between Catholic priests and leftwing human rights activists. Yet the pope was an outspoken opponent of that trend in his church, and his visit thus seemed all the more unusual and surprising. If John Paul had hoped that his visit would help to undermine Castro’s regime, he was to be disappointed.
Early in this century, Castro’s star was once again in the ascendant, with a marked improvement in the economic situation and the presence in Latin America of a powerful and wealthy new acolyte. Hugo Chávez of Venezuela, first elected in December 1998, was soon to identify himself as Castro’s favourite son. Enjoying huge oil royalties, Chávez was able to finance mutual aid that brought thousands of Cuban doctors to work in the shanty towns of Venezuela, and hundreds of thousands of gallons of oil to the thirsty refineries of Cuba. The impact on the economy was immediate.
Castro was a legend long before his death. The early years of revolutionary government, with dashing young men in guerrilla fatigues sporting the then unfashionable beards grown in the revolutionary war, were romantic, chaotic and exhausting. Castro worked at all hours of day and night (mostly night), made long and didactic speeches, and was rarely out of his 4x4, ceaselessly travelling from one end of the country to another.
Over the years, he calmed down, became more measured, spoke as often but not for so long. His government became less of a one-man band, and power was sufficiently decentralised to allow him to travel abroad for months at a time. The Americans could never forgive him, but he became a welcome visitor all over the developing world, and notably, in the 1980s and 1990s, in Latin America. Although too long-winded for European tastes, the best of his full-scale speeches were models of wit and clarity, well-prepared and delivered with the panache of a trained orator.
A handful of women found space in Castro’s life, but he always claimed he was married to the revolution. He had married a fellow student, Mirta Díaz-Balart, in 1948, and they had a son, Fidelito, but she divorced him a few years later and went to live in the US. An early lover was Naty Revuelta, with whom he had a daughter, Alina, and he was always close to Célia Sánchez, the compañera he met in the mountains in 1956. She died in 1980. In that year, he took a new wife, Dalia Soto del Valle, a teacher from the town of Trinidad, who was rarely seen in public. They had five boys – Angel, Antonio, Alejandro, Alexis and Alex – named allegedly after his various noms de guerre in the Sierra Maestra. Outside these relationships he had a son, Jorge Angel, and a daughter, Francisca.
Castro’s revolution was a remarkably peaceful process, apart from a number of Batista’s henchmen shot in the first weeks. Some revolutionary enthusiasts of the first generation could not stomach the government’s leftward drift, and swaths of the professional middle class left for Miami, but the revolution did not “eat its children”. Much of the inner group around Castro survived into old age.
FacebookTwitterPinterest Castro falls badly after a speech in Santa Clara in 2004. Photograph: AP
Tensions arose occasionally with the old communists and the island’s intellectuals (who suffered as much from blockade-induced isolation as from outright censorship), and in 1989 a couple of senior generals were executed for drug-running. Critics liked to argue that “General” Castro was no different in essence from any other Latin America dictator, yet such criticism was hard to sustain. He more closely resembled the Spanish colonial governor-generals, many of whom were benign autocrats, than the sanguinary military leaders of the 20th century. Even when his regime was under attack, he retained immense popular support. His huge personal charm and charisma, and his political genius, kept him on top throughout: the only force that could defeat him was the infirmity of old age.
The first premonition of his mortality came in October 2004, when he stumbled badly after a speech made in Santa Clara. He fractured an arm and broke a knee, and was for a while confined to a wheelchair. Yet he kept up a heavy schedule of television appearances, announcing in March 2005 an end to the “special period” of austerity that had begun at the time of the Soviet collapse. In July 2006, he suffered a more serious setback, and formally handed over power on a temporary basis to his brother Raúl after emergency intestinal surgery. He never fully recovered and was rarely seen in public again. In February 2008, he announced his resignation as president of the Council of State. The tasks of government, he said, “required mobility and the total commitment that I am no longer in a physical condition to offer”. Raúl Castro, five years younger and Fidel’s alter ego since the attack on the Moncada barracks in 1953, became the new president of Cuba.
Castro is survived by his children, his brother, Raúl, and sister, Juanita.
• Fidel Alejandro Castro Ruz, revolutionary leader, born 13 August 1926; died 25 November 2016
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